J^ 




Book I^MS 



3 



THE PULPIT 



ITS 



EELATIOITS TO OUK NATIONAL CEISIS. 



A SERMON, 



PEEACHED IN FIFTH AVENUE AND NINETEENTH 
STREET PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. 



' • BY 



N. L. EICE, D.D. 



NEW YORK: 

CHARLES SCRIBNER, 124 GRAND STREET. 

1862. 






F iss I 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S62, 

BY CHARLES SCRIBNER, 

In the Clerk's OfEce of the District Court of the United States for the 

Southern District of Is ew York. 



JOHX F. TRO'R', 

PRIXTER, STEREOTYPER, AND ELECl ROfYPEK, 

4G, a, & 50 Greene Strt?*, 
New York. 



THE PULPIT: 

ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NAIIONAL CRISIS. 



Then said he unto them, Render therefore unto C^Esar the things 
that are Csesar's, and unto God the things that are God's.- 
Matt. XXII. 21. 

The efforts of bad men to injure tlie cause, of 
religion, and to gain for themselves a cheap popu- 
larity by destroying the influence of its faithful 
teachers, has given occasion to the utterance and 
the defence of some of the most important and 
precious truths of divine revelation. Thus, the 
attempt of the Pharisees to entangle our Lord in 
his talk, and in this way to convict him of dis- 
loyalty to Csesar's government, led to the incul- 
cation of one of those great principles of religion 
which is to control the conduct of his people to 
the end of time, namely. Fidelity to God, first 
and chiefly; and fidelity, secondly, to the civil 



6 THE PULPIT* 

governments under wliicli his providence may 
place tliem. Paul's defences of bimseif against 
the slanders of his enemies, contain truths of 
so much value, that they were placed on record 
for the instruction of the Church in all future 
time; and the false accusations against the fol- 
lowers of Christ, in the early ages of Christianity, 
called forth those Apologies for the Christian 
Religion, which accomplished so much for the 
cause of truth. Thus in every age God has made 
the wrath of man to praise him, by overruling 
the slanders heaped upon his servants, for tbe 
furtherance of the Gospel. Paul, whilst a prisoner 
at Rome, wrote to the church at Philippi, say- 
ing : " But I would ye should understand, breth- 
ren, that the things which happened unto me 
have fallen out rather to the furtherance of the 
Gospel." And the imprisonment of Baxter and 
Bunyan resulted in the writing of books which 
have proved a thousand times more efficacious 
than their public preaching, in the diffusion of 
the doctrines of the Gospel. 

It need not, then, be regretted, that slanders 
published in this city and in other places, have 
made it proper for me to de]3art, on the present 
occasion, from my ordinary course, and to speak 
on subjects which I seldom deem it expedient 



ITS EELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. i 

to introduce into the pulpit, namely, The state 
of the country/, and my own position with refer- 
ence 'to it. I do this in accordance with the 
advice of judicious friends, and with the design 
immediately to publish the discourse. 

1. I pursue this course, not for the purpose of 
stirring up the patriotic feeling of my people. 
There is not the slightest necessity for this. Their 
conduct is the conclusive evidence that their love 
of their country is sufficiently intense. Indeed, 
it would be little to the credit of any Christian 
congregation, to admit their need of exhortation 
on such a subject, in such a day as this. 

It is important, however, to remark, that 
patriotism is not, as many seem to imagine, a 
Christian virtue. It is, like natural affection, the 
spontaneous feeling of the heart. It is as natural 
for me to love my country as to love my home ; 
and as there are multitudes of men, not Chris- 
tians, who tenderly love their firesides and their 
families, so are there multitudes of true patriots, 
who do not profess to be Christians. Indeed, it 
not unfrequently happens in both cases, that 
that which is natural to the mind becomes too 
strong. How often are fathers and mothers 
chargeable with a species of idolatry in the af- 
fection which thev lavish on their children — 



8 THE pulpit: 

giving them a place in their hearts which is due 
only to God. And so do men not nnfrequently 
love their country so intensely, as to forget or 
disregard the rights of other nations ; and Chris- 
tians, in their intense devotion to their country, 
in its struggles, constantly lose sight of the inter- 
ests of the Church of Christ, which, in our day, 
is in no less peril. 

It is, nevertheless, true, that Christianity 
exerts a most important influence on both natural 
affection and patriotic feeling — elevating both, 
and giving them a wise direction. It moderates 
the love of country, when it would become too 
exclusive, and makes men philanthrojnsts as well 
as patriots ; and it teaches them how to advance 
the true interests both of their own country and 
of mankind. 

Have you ever observed, that there is in the 
Bible no command to love one's country ? You 
find no such precept in the Decalogue, nor is 
there any such in the Gospel ; nor is patriotism 
ever placed in any enumeration of the Christian 
virtues, any more than is natural affection. If 
a minister of the Gospel were about to preach on 
this subject, he might be perj)lexed to find a text. 
We do, indeed, find commands to obey the 
powers that be, to jDray for civil rulers, and the 



ITS KELATIOXS TO OUK NATIONAL CEISIS. 9 

like ; but all this is required of one even tem- 
porarily sojourning in any country. JS'ow, since 
the Bible is a perfect rule of duty, as well as of 
faith, why do we find in it no command or ex- 
hortation to love our country ? Is'ot because 
patriotism is not most important, but because it 
is natural^ just as it is natural for members of the 
same family to love each other. If a father have 
ceased to love his children, it is because depravity 
has destroyed natural affection. How can the 
affection thus destroyed be restored ? Xot merely 
or chiefly by exhorting him to love his family. 
The control of evil passions over his mind must 
be broken ; and then natural affection will re- 
sume its sway. Purify and elevate his moral 
feelings; and then, and not till then, will he 
again love his family, and cherish the children 
whom he had abandoned or abused. And so, if 
a man liave ceased to love Jiis country, it is 
because this noble affection, so natural to the 
mind, has been smothered by selfishness and 
degrading passions. It is vain to preach to such 
a man the duty of loving his country. The reign 
of depravity in his heart must be subdued, and 
then he will again cherish the country of his 
birth, or of his adoption. 

We cannot but admire the divine wisdom in 
1* 



10 THE pulpit: 

this tiling. God has not commanded us to love 
our country, but he has inculcated those moral 
principles which elevate and wisely direct that 
love of country, which is natural. It has always 
seemed to me, therefore, that for Christian minis- 
ters to spend any considerable time in preaching 
patriotism is quite unnecessary, if indeed in so 
/ doing they are not travelling beyond the insj^ired 
record. If men become Christians, they will 
surely be patriots. Nay, unless depraved dispo- 
sitions have gained a fearful sway, the love of 
country, naturally strong, must exist ; and if 
depravity has overcome it, that depravity itself 
must be overcome. There is, consequently, no 
way in w^hich ministers of Christ can do so much 
to promote patriotism, as by j)reaching the Gos- 
pel in its purity ; for then they bring to bear on 
the mind of man an influence w^hich gives to that 
which is natural its full sway, and secures to it a 
wise direction. 

Still less is it necessary or proper for ministers 
to preach patriotism to their people, at a time 
when with all but the most depraved, the love 
of country is intensely aroused ; or to declaim in 
favor of war, when the whole country is in a blaze 
of excitement. Ministers are called by their peo- 
ple to instruct them in those truths of Divine 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 11 

revelation, wliicli they are supposed to understand 
somewhat better than they ; to stmiulate and 
guide those Christian virtues, which are always 
too feeble, and are constantly liable to decay ; 
and to turn men from sin to God. So far as our 
country is conceraed, there are two classes of 
principles and of feelings, which are essential to 
its peace and prosperity : patriotism and sound 
morals. Kow, is it not true, that so far as the 
latter is successfully cultivated, the former is sure 
to be strong enough ? And has it not been our 
boast, that the troubles of our country, in the very 
besrinnino; of them, called forth such a burst of 
patriotic feeling, as we never before witnessed ? I 
entered upon my labors amongst you in the midst 
of the prevailing excitement ; and no one could 
imagine, for a moment, that it needed to be inten- 
sified. In the name of reason, why should min- 
isters of Christ labor to increase that class of feel- 
ing, already excited to the intensest pitch, instead 
of employing their time and their energies to 
strengthen those religious and moral affections 
admitted to be far too weak, and in danger of be- 
coming still more feeble, whilst other feelings are 
so intensified ? Is he a wise and faithful watch- 
man, whose voice is heard shouting, where there 



> 



12 THE pulpit: 

is confessedly no danger, instead of guarding the 
exposed parts of the city ? 

2. Again, I do not discuss the subject ah-eady 
announced, for the purpose of satisfying my own 
people that the charge of sympathizing with Se- 
cessiori^ published by certain newspapers, is false 
and slanderous. Tliey know, that one of the first 
duties I performed, when I entered upon my 
labors amongst them, was to meet with and ad- 
dress the ladies of my church, about to organize 
themselves into a society to prepare bandages and 
other necessaries for wounded soldiers. They 
have heard me, fifty times over, pray for the 
destruction of secession. They have heard me. 
Sabbath after Sabbath, pray for the President of 
the United States and his counsellors, for Congress, 
and for all in authority, that God would direct 
them to such measures as He could approve, and 
to bless those measures to the restoring of the 
Constitution and the laws over our whole coun- 
try ; that we might again have one united coun- 
try, as in days past. IS'ow, allow me to propose 
two questions : 

1st. Would it be possible for any but a con- 
summate hypocrite, to ofl:er such prayers, if he 
desired the success and permanency of the South- 
ern Confederacy? Do you see how one, sym- 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUK NATIONAL CKISIS. 13 

pathizing with secession, could pray that God 
"would direct oar government to the use of means 
by which the Union would be restored ? 

2d. If these prayers should be answered, 
would we not have all that we profess to be 
struggling for ? Does any true friend of the 
country desire any thing more than this ? And 
is there any true Christian, who is unwilling to 
leave it to the infinitely wise God, in whose hands 
are the hearts of all men, to determine in what 
way and by what means our Union shall be 
restored ? I do not wonder that my prayers do 
not suit those whose aim is not the restoration of 
the Union under the Constitution, but the aboli- 
tion of slavery at whatever cost ; who did so much 
to bring the war on the country, and have done 
so much to cripple the Government ever since its 
commencement. I saw, the other day, in a reli- 
gious newspaper, the same charge made against 
the President's pastor ; though I have not learned 
that the President himself has found any fault. 

This vindication is not necessary to satisfy my 
own people ; for from them I have received 
nothing but kindness, since I accepted their call 
and commenced my labors amongst them. In- 
deed it is due to them to say, that their generos- 
ity has been of an extraordinary character. 



14 THE pulpit: 

3. I have three reasous for departing, to-day, 
from my ordinary com^se of pulpit instruction : 

1st. I do it, because it is not right for a Chris- 
tian minister to suffer his usefulness to be im- 
paired, or the ministry to be reproached, by al- 
lowing slanderous publications to pass unex- 
posed. For such reasons the apostle Paul found 
it necessary, more than once, to defend himself 
against such attacks. I am not so ignorant of 
human nature, as to expect to silence such men. 
This cannot be done, especially at such a time as 
the present. Our Lord did, for the time, silence 
those who sought to convict him of disloyalty ; 
yet when he was tried for his life, they were not 
ashamed to testify : " We found this fellow j^er- 
verting the nation, and forbidding to give tribute 
to Csesar." But whilst such men will still repeat 
their falsehoods, there are multitudes of fair- 
minded and reasonable men, who will be satis- 
fied. 

In times of great excitement, whether the ex- 
citement be of a religious or a political character, 
those public men, who keep cool, who are accus- 
tomed to examine principles, and to observe re- 
sults, and w^ho foresee evils that must inevitably 
follow the operation of false principles, may think, 
themselves happy, if they sufi'er nothing w^orse 



ITS KELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 15 

than slander. In the beginning of this century, 
an extraordinarv reviyal of religion prevailed in 
the West, and especially in Kentncky, my native 
State. In its earlier stages, great numbers were 
converted ; but in the progress of things, the ex- 
citement degenerated into the wildest fanaticism. 
Then began that curious phenomenon called the 
jerks / and in the end, some even of the ministers 
united with that singularly fanatical sect, called 
Shakers y and others formed a new Unitarian sect. 
Then those ministers who saw the danger, and 
lifted the warning voice, amongst whom was a 
venerable kinsman of my own, were bitterly de- 
nounced by other ministers and by the people, as 
enemies of the revival — as opposers of the work 
of God ; and for a length of time, great odium 
rested on them, until the deplorable fruits of the 
fanaticism vindicated their wisdom and their 
fidelity. A similar state of things prevailed in 
some of the more eastern States, within the last 
thirty years. Crowds followed certain revival 
preachers / and converts were counted by scores 
and hundreds. Then again faithful ministers, who 
dared to oppose the fanaticism, or even to stand 
aloof from it, were pronounced imregenerate, and 
were denounced as enemies of revivals. The 
fruits of those revivals soon vindicated them ; 



16 THE pulpit: 

and the region of country over wliich tliey spread, 
was familiarly called the limit district. 

Civil and political excitements operate in the 
same way, especially in time of war. For two 
years, the prophet Jeremiah pined in prison, part 
of the time in a loathsome dungeon, under the 
charge of treason. The evidence that he symjya- 
thized with the invading foe, was found in the 
fidelity with which he warned the king, the princes, 
the priests, and the people, that the only hope 
of saving the holy city and the nation from ruin, 
was in immediate repentance and reformation ; 
and none were found more bitter against him, 
than the false prophets and the corrupt priests. 
And because they made loud professions of patri- 
otism, and prophesied of certain victories, they 
were held in honor, whilst the one true patriot in 
the city, was ignominiously beaten and impris- 
oned. In such times, those men are most popu- 
lar, who assert what the people desire to hear, 
not those who dare to give warnings that might 
save them from ruin. 

None of us have forgotten how the venerable 
commander of our army was assailed, soon after 
the commencement of the present unhappy war, 
as at heart a traitor, pretending to seek the over- 
throw of the rebellion, yet secretly intending no 



ITS KELATIONS TO OUK NATIONAL CIIISIS. 17 

such thing ; as a sympathizer with secession ; nor 
have vre forgotten from what quarter these insin- 
uations came. When a man, who has won for 
himself a world-wide fame, as one of the most 
patriotic and skilful generals, bj fighting his 
country's battles, can be assailed, at four-score 
years of age, with such charges ; who can expect 
to escape ? And although terrible disasters, con- 
sequent upon these attacks, filling the land with 
alarm and mourning, for a time silenced the 
clamors and injurious accusations of such men ; 
it is to be apprehended that the same spirit is yet 
at Avork, and may bring upon the country other 
disasters. 

2d. It is due to my people, as well as to my- 
self and my office, that I should make public my 
views on this subject. It is not right for me to 
allow them to be held up before the public, as 
having a pastor who is false to his country. I 
propose, therefore, to put into their hands the 
means of refuting the slander. 

3d. I pursue the course just indicated, still 
further, for the purpose of presenting some great 
truths, which may serve to guard the church 
against dangers which now threaten it, as well as 
the country. 

If, in what I have to say, I shall depart from 



18 THE pulpit: 

my uniform habit by speaking of myself, the cir- 
cumstances will be admitted as a sufficient ex- 
cuse. It is always painful to me to speak of my- 
self in the pulpit ; and you will bear me witness, 
that I have uniformly avoided it. 

AYhat I propose to say, will be in answer to 
the following question, suggested by the text, 
viz. : What do ive owe to God and our country in 
such a day as this f 

1. We owe it to God and our country, to hold 
and to proclaim the Gospel in its purity. Noth- 
ing else can save the souls of men from sin ; and 
nothing else can save the country from the j^erils 
that so thickly environ it. We must hold and 
proclaim the doctrines of the Gospel, as well as 
its precepts and its promises, unadulterated by 
human philosophy. There has always been 
amongst men a demand, on one ground or an- 
other, for something difierent ; for the Gospel 
" is not after man." So far from it, that Paul 
said, *' If I yet pleased men, I should not be the 
servant of Christ." '-^ The Jews," said he, " re- 
quire a sign, and the Greeks seek after wisdom ; 
but we preach Christ crucified, to the Jews a 
stumbling block, to the Greeks foolishness ; but 
to them that are called, both Jews and Greeks, 
Christ, the power of God and the wisdom of God." 



ITS EELATIONS TO OUK NATIONAL CRISIS. 19 

Neither Jews nor Greeks were disposed to accept 
that which alone the apostle had to give. The 
one demanded a sign from heaven, the other in- 
sisted upon abstruse philosophic speculations. 
The apostle did not seek to gratify either of them. 
If we would save men we must not give them 
what they may demand, but what they need — the 
pure Gospel of the Son of God. 

And as nothing but the Gospel can save the 
soul, so, as just remarked, nothing else can save 
the country. There are three powers, one or the 
other of which must control in civil society, viz. : 
hrute force^ as in despotisms ; interest and pas- 
sion^ as in anarchy ; moral principle^ as in free 
governments. The Gospel only can sustain that 
moral principle, which is essential to the perma- 
nency of a free government. " I am inclined to 
think," said De Tocqueville, " that if faith be 
wanting, he must serve ; and if he be free, he 
must believe." A far higher authority has said : 
" Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord." 
It is certain, that every one truly converted and 
rightly instructed, will be a true patriot. 

"What are the perils that now threaten our 
country ? l^ot the war now raging, fearful as it 
surely is. I never have believed that our chief dan- 
ger lay in that direction. Tliere are two dangers 



20 THE pulpit: 

whicli are more to be dreaded, than all others, viz. : 
immorality ^ndi fanaticism — a lack of faith and 
disregard of God's law, on the one hand, and a 
perverted faith and false principles of moral re- 
form, on the other. But for the prevalence of 
these two evils, the war never wonld have come 
upon the country ; and but for the prevalence of 
these, during the last year, the war might have 
had a favorable termination, ere this time. There 
are times, wlien error takes the form of cold, 
philosophic speculation ; but in an age of prevail- 
ing excitement it assumes the form of fanaticism. 
In the first-mentioned form, it has no power, but 
leaves the passions of men uncontrolled ; in the 
second, it gives to depravity a religious direction. 
And there is no phasj of human corruption more 
destructive of the interests of Church and State, 
than fanaticism. 

A few Sabbaths since, I had occasion to read 
to you an extract of a letter from the late ven- 
erable Dr. Alexander, of Princeton, written 
twenty-five years ago to a missionary in Ceylon, 
for the purpose of showing that men who observe 
the working of moral princi]3les, can see further 
into the future, than those whose attention is 
mainly occupied with principles of a difibrent 



ITS RELATIONS TO OtJK NATIONAL CRISIS. 21 

character. He, at that time, distmctly foresaw 
the crisis that is now upon iis.^ 

Let nie now state another opinion expressed 
by the same eminent minister of Christ., viz. : 
that this country seemed destined to be overrun 
with all manner of fanaticism. Events thus far 
have but too fully verified the opinion ; and there 
is reason to fear, that we have seen but the be- 
ginning of the evil. I^ow there is nothing but 
the Gospel that can secure a pure morality ; and 
nothing else can restrain fanaticism. 

In accordance with these views, my first ser- 
mon, on coming amongst you, was on the lan- 
guage of Paul to the church at Corinth : '' And 
I, brethren, when I came to you, came not with 

* The following is the extract above referred to : " As you see 
the New York papers, there is no occasion for me to say any thing 
of the public concerns of Church or State. I may observe, how- 
ever, that we are in a very unsettled condition. The prosperity 
of the United States has been unprecedented now for half a cen- 
tury, and there is nothhig to hinder its continuance and increase 
but the folly and wickedness of the people; but there are many 
indications in the manifest signs of the times, that we, as a nation, 
are rapidly approaching a crisis. The subject of slavery has been 
so imprudently managed, that a spirit of hostility between the 
northern and southern States has been excited, which in my opin- 
ion ^vill not cease until a rupture shall take place, which will mark 
the end of our prosperity." This letter was written June 10th, 
1836. 



22 TiiE pulpit: 

excellency of speech or of wisdom, declaring nnto 
you the testimony of God. For I determined not 
to know any thing among yon, save Jesns Christ 
and him crnciiied." Tlie Christian minister goes 
forth nnder a commission, authorizing and re- 
qniring him to declare to men " the testimony of 
God," the great central truth of which, and that 
which gives value to all tlie rest, is Christ cruci- 
fied. On matters respecting which God has 
borne no testimony, his ministers have no mes- 
sage, and can deliver none. From the ground 
then taken, I can never depart, as I exj)ect soon to 
give account to God, before whom I stand. 

A sermon was preached, a few months since, 
by one of the most venerable and prominent min- 
isters ofJSTew England, which should have a wide 
circulation. I refer to the Kev. Dr. Hawes, of 
Hartford, Conn. The sermon was preached at 
an ordination in !N"ew Haven. The title of it is : 
" The decay of power in the Pulpit. ^"^ The very 
title, at such a time as this, is alarming ; for you 
know, my brethren, that tlie decay of power in 
the pulpit means the decay of religion in the 
churches, and of sound morals in the country. 
The preacher not only admits, but affirms the 
fact, that the decay has taken place. 

What is the cause of this deca^' ? I quote his 



ITS EELATI0X3 TO OUR NATIOXAL CRISIS. 23 

own language. The chief cause, as he states it, 
is, " Dropping from its inculcations the great, 
distinguishing doctrines of grace.'''' E'ow, how 
does it happen that these doctrines are so exten- 
sively dropped ? Says he, '^ The demand is for 
something more exciting, more entertaining and 
tasteful ; and the modern pulpit is too much in- 
clined to fall in with this demand, to discuss liter- 
ary and ethical questions, questions of social and 
moral reform, or other matters of a curious and 
novel character, instead of bringing forward and 
giving prominency to the old, and as some would 
say, worn-out doctrines of depravity, regenera- 
tion, sovereignty, election, justification, together 
with the character and work of a crucified, aton- 
ing Christ, as the great central point of all Gos- 
pel truth. It is rather rare," he adds, " that the 
people hear a thorough-going, out-and-out discus- 
sion and application " of these and other kindred 
doctrines. 

The source whence this testimony comes, gives 
it importance. Dr. Hawes is at the greatest re- 
move from a tendency to extreme views on the 
subject concerning which he speaks ; yet he is con- 
strained to testify, not only that the great doctrines 
of the Gospel have, to a great extent, disappeared 
from the pulpit, but that it has become common for 



24 THE pulpit: 

ministers of the Gospel to travel beyond the lim- 
its of their commission in search of novel, excit- 
ing, popular themes. " Instead," he remarks, 
" of coming right out in the strength of God, with 
the naked sword of the Spirit to do battle with 
sin and error, it is too common for the preaching 
of our day to study to be ingenious, original, ele- 
gant ; to make literary sermons, great sermons, 
popular sermons, as one says. To this end, in- 
stead of confining itself within its proper commis- 
sion, that of delivering God's message in God's 
way, it ranges abroad over creation to find novel 
and strange subjects ; and then it seeks to handle 
them in a new and original way ; decking them 
out in tropes and figures, and all fine things, just 
suited to make the whole exhibition elegant and 
popular, it may be, but utterly ineffective and 
powerless as to all spiritual impression." The 
plain English of all this is, that, to a great extent, 
the ministers of Christ have ceased to seek to form 
the principles and mould the characters of their 
hearers by the power of God's truth and Spirit, 
and have begun to travel beyond the limits of 
their commission to cater to a vitiated public 
taste, and to gain popularity. In 1856, whilst 
spending a few weeks in ^ew England, I pub- 
lished statements respecting the state and tenden- 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUK NATIONAL CRISIS. 25 

cies of the pulpit, precisely in accordance with the 
testimony now borne hj Dr. Hawes. Those state- 
ments gave grave offence, and their correctness 
was boldly denied by one of the papers in Boston. 
Since that time, the tendencies have been rapidly 
downward, not only in xs"ew England, but very 
generally through the country ; and within the 
last twelve months, the broad line between secu- 
lar and religious themes has been almost oblit- 
erated. Ko wonder, then, that there has been a 
sad decay of power in the pulpit ; and a sad de- 
cline in religion and morals. 

In one of the discourses I had occasion to de- 
liver in this church, just before the national Fast, 
I took occasion to state the limits within which, ac- 
cording to the Scriptures, the functions of the min- 
isterial office are to be exercised. There are two 
classes of questions, as I stated, which ministers 
as such, are not authorized to discuss or deter- 
mine, viz. : questions purely secular, civil, and 
political ; and those moral questions which de- 
pend upon these. I did not say, as several re- 
viewers represented me, that ministers cannot 
properly discuss and determine moral questions 
connected with secular, civil, and political ques- 
tions, but moral questions which de])end ^ipon 
secular, civil, and political questions. As I then 



26 THE pulpit: 

stated, the Chiirch and the State " are obliged, to 
a considerable extent, to deal with the same sub- 
jects ; " that " to a considerable extent, criminal 
legislation and ecclesiastical discipline take cog- 
nizance of the same actions ; and then marriage, 
the Sabbath, &c., have both civil and religions 
aspects." In relation to all those subjects, which 
have both of these aspects, the State legislates 
purely with reference to the civil, the Church 
exclusively with reference to the moral and reli- 
gious. Thus, in relation to these two aspects of 
marriage^ Blackstone says : " Our law considers 
marriage in no other light than as a civil con- 
tract. The lioliness of the matrimonial state is 
left entirely to the ecclesiastical law ; the tem- 
poral courts having no jurisdiction to consider 
unlawful marriage as a sin, but merely as a civil 
inconvenience." 

I cannot better explain my position on this 
subject, than by quoting from an article on the 
Pulpit and the Press, which I published some 
seven years ago : " What is the duty of ministers 
of Christ in relation to political questions which 
involve moral principles ? Undoubtedly there are 
such questions. Suppose, for example, it were 
proposed, as it has been, to abolish the Sabbath 
laws or to abolish capital punishment ; in such 



ITS KELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CPaSIS. 27 

case, imdonbtedlj, the Christian ministers would 
have a duty to perform. If faithful, thej could 
do no less, than carefully instruct their people 
and the civil rulers out of the word of God, and 
urge them to discharge their duty. Such inter- 
ference with politics no reasonable man could ob- 
ject to. So in regard to slavery, most certainly, 
it is the duty of ministers of the Gospel fully and 
faithfully to expound in the hearing of their peo- 
ple the whole of the language of the Scrij)tures in 
reference to it, and teach them out of the Scrip- 
tures their precise duty." In a word, since 
Christ's ministers are commissioned to " declare 
the whole counsel of God," wherever he has 
legislated, they are bound to speak, whether it 
be to teach those great principles of his word by 
which civil rulers are bound to govern their 
official conduct ; or to instruct individuals re- 
specting their duties in the different relations of 
life. 

But there are questions purely secular, civil, 
and political, respecting which God has not legis- 
lated. There are, as Blackstone says, " a great 
number of indifterent points, in which both the 
Divine law and the natural leave a man at his 
own lil>erty ; but which are found necessary for 
the benefit of society to be restrained within cer- 



28 THE pulpit: 

tain limits. And herein it is tliat liiiman laws 
have their greatest force and efficacy ; for "with 
regard to such pointy as are not indifferent, 
human laws are only declaratory of, and act in 
subordination to the former (the Divine)." Now, 
since in relation to these purely secular and civil 
questions, God has given no revelation and has 
left men at liberty ; his ministers, as expounders 
of His revelation, have no right, as ministers, to 
say a word. 

But there' are innumerable moral questions 
which arise in connection with such secular ques- 
tions, the decision of which must depend abso- 
lutely upon the decision of the secular questions. 
Let me illustrate. A physician is attending upon 
a patient with a diseased limb ; and ultimately 
the question comes up, whether he ought to resort 
to amputation. This is a strictly moral ques- 
tion ; for the life of the patient depends upon it. 
Shall he go to his pastor,, and ask him, as his in- 
structor in religion and morals, to decide this 
question for him ? Shall he call a meeting of 
Presbytery, that by the united wisdom of its 
theologians the question may be safely deter- 
mined ? Why not ? The question is strictly a 
moral one ; and it is of great importance. The 
answer is obvious. The moral question defends 



ITS KELATIOXS TO OUR NATIONAL CKISIS. 29 

iipon the scientific, and so soon as the latter is 
determined, the former is clear. What conld any 
minister or any number of ministers say, were such 
a question submitted to them ? They could say 
only, that if the case can be so treated, as to save 
both life and limb, it is wrong to amputate ; but 
if amputation is necessary to the saving of the 
patient's life, it is duty to amputate. And they 
could say, that the physician is morally bound to 
use all his skill, and avail himself of all the means 
within his reach to determine, whether amputa- 
tion is necessary to the saving of the patient's 
life. But all this would throw no light on the 
question pressing his conscience, whether he 
ouglit, or ought not to resort to amputation. 
AVho can aid him in settling this question ? Only 
scientific physicians. This is an example of a 
moral question depending upon a secular ques- 
tion ; and ten thousand questions of the kind are 
constantly arising in medical practice. 

Take another example. The President of the 
United States, at his inauguration, bound himself 
by a solemn oath to uphold the Constitution. 
Soon after, the question came up for decision, 
whether he should suspend the right of Habeas 
Corpus. Was it morally right for him to do 
this I Suppose he had called on his pastor, as his 



30 THE PCLPIT : 

teacher On moral and religions snbjects, to aid 
liim in deciding the qnestion ; what could his 
pastor have said ? He could have said, " If the 
Constitution gives you the power to suspend the 
right of Ilctbeas Corp%is y and if the state of things 
is such as to demand the exercise of this extraor- 
dinary power, then it is right to do it." But this 
would be saying nothing but what every one 
knows. The President did not apply to his pas- 
tor, but to the Attorney-General ; for in this case 
the moral question depended wholly upon the 
civil. Since his pastor, though an able theo- 
logian, was not authorized or qualified to expound 
the Constitution, he could afford him no aid. 

Again : Let us suppose that the late difficulty 
between the United States and Great Britain had 
resulted in a war, as it would, if certain individ- 
uals had not been delivered up to the latter ; then 
there would have been a very important question 
respecting the righteousness of the war, on the one 
side, and on the other. Suj^j^ose this question had 
been brought before the General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church, as a body authorized to 
teach morals and religion ; how could that body 
have given any decision whatever ? It would be 
easy to say, that if in taking those j^ersons from 
an English vessel, and refusing to give them up, 



ITS KELATIOXS' TO OUR NATIONAL CEISIS. 31 

the United States violated the law of nations, the 
war on our part would be morally wrong ; but if 
there was no violation of the law of nations, then 
the war on the part of England would be morally 
wrong. But all this would leave the question of 
the righteousness of the war undecided. How 
could the Assembly decide it ? Since the right 
or wrong would depend upon the correct inter- 
pretation of the law of nations, the only way in 
which such a body could decide such a moral 
question, would be by setting its members to 
studying international law. And when we re- 
member how confused and contradictory were the 
deliverances of lawyers and statesmen on the sub- 
ject, we need be at no loss to judge how success- 
ful a body of ministers and elders would be in the 
investigation. But can any thing be more absurd, 
than to require or permit those whose office con- 
fines them to the study and exposition of the 
Scriptures, to discuss and determine questions de- 
pending upon secular, civil, and political ques- 
tions, which it is no part of their business to 
study ? 

In relation to all such questions, the Christian 
minister stands to those whom it is his business to 
instruct, very much as a judge stands related to 
a jury. The duty of the judge is to expound the 



32 THE pulpit: 

law ; the business of the jury is to apply the law, 
as expounded, to the case in hand, and thus de- 
termine the guilt or innocence of the party on 
trial, or the right and wrong, as the case may be. 
The judge hears the whole of the testimony, and 
doubtless forms his opinion, and there may not be 
a man on the jury so capable of forming a correct 
opinion. But he may not express his opinion. 
He can only expound the law to the jury, and 
then say to them, " If from the testimony you be- 
lieve thus and so, you will find for the plaintiff ; 
but if you believe thus and so, you will find for 
the defendant." He may solemnly charge them 
to weigh the testimony impartially, and seek to 
come to a just conclusion. Precisely so stands 
the minister of Christ to those moral questions, 
vrhich depend upon secular or civil questions. 
He can teach and impress upon men the prin- 
ciples of God's word ; but, in all such cases, they 
must make the application. He cannot teach the 
physician what treatment he ought to adopt, that 
he may restore the health of a patient ; but he 
can inculcate the solemn duty of using all the 
means within his reach to learn how to treat 
every case, and to be faithful in his efforts to 
effect a cure. He cannot teach the statesman 
what course he ought to pursue in relation to the 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 33 

c[uestions that arise from time to time ; but Le 
can teach liim those general principles of God's 
word by which civil officers are bound to govern 
their conduct, and his obligation to acquaint him- 
self fully with the duties of his office, and to aim 
to secure the best interests of his country. He 
cannot tell the men in his church for which of 
two candidates, holding diflerent political opin- 
ions, they ought to vote ; but he can teach them 
their obligation to inform themselves, and cast 
their votes conscientiously for the best interests 
of the country. He cannot tell the merchant 
how to conduct his business ; but he can teach 
the moral jDi'inciples which are to control all 
business transactions, and exhort him to be 
" dilic:ent in business." Thus the Christian min- 
ister, without knowing any thing of the science 
of medicine, may exert a powerful influence to 
make the most faithful and skilful physicians. 
Without understanding civil law, he may exert 
a mighty influence in making the best lawyers 
and statesmen. Without understanding the de- 
tails of secular business, he may exert an in- 
fluence to make the best business men. Thus 
the influence of the Christian ministry may be 
all-pervading, and most happy, whilst ministers 
stand aloof from secular matters, and confine 



34: THE pulpit: 

themselves to the teaching of that noblest^ of all 
sciences, which is sufficient to tax the powers of 
an angel. 

In a word, the inspired writers taught men in 
two ways. They inculcated those duties which 
are everywhere and at all times obligatory, such 
as those prescribed in the Decalogue, and the 
duty of repentance, prayer, &c. And they taught 
general prmciplcs, designed to control the con- 
duct in matters respecting which particular pre- 
cepts could not be given. Thus the learned Gro- 
tius makes our Lord say, (see Luke xii. 14,) " Con- 
tent to give general precepts, which may be very 
easily applied to all matters by those so disposed, 
I will not entangle myself with the business of 
individuals." 

Such were the principles stated in the sermon 
to which I have referred, as showing the limits 
within which the functions of the ministerial 
office must be exercised. If any thing could be 
surprising, in such a day as this, it would be — 
that j)rinciple3 so manifestly true and Scriptural 
— principles admitted and asserted by the ablest 
theological writers for three hundred years, have 
met with an almost universal condemnation by 
the religious press. Why, it was only the other 
day that I sav*^, in one of our religious jiapers, 



ITS KELATI0X3 TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 35 

tlie plain denial that any line can be drawn be- 
tween the secular and the spiritual. "Well, if 
Christian ministers hold an office without metes 
and bounds, they may preach on all subjects, and 
ought to understand them all. But the idea is 
absurd. !N"o civil government could exist, if the 
functions of the different offices were not defined 
and limited. Tlie ministerial office exerts on the 
interests of men a wider influence than any other ; 
and as, within its legitimate sphere, it is an in- 
estimable blessing, so when perverted, it is fear- 
fully mischievous. 

The time is at hand when this great question 
respecting the limits within which the functions of 
the ministerial office are to be exercised, must be 
earnestly discussed. For, it is admitted, that to a 
very great extent the proper work of the ministry 
is neglected, whilst those clothed with the sacred 
oflice have travelled beyond the limits of their 
commission in search of exciting and popular 
topics ; and the prevailing excitement will render 
it extremely difficult to arrest the downward pro- 
gress of the pulpit. 

But another state of things, not referred to in 
the discourse of Dr. Hawes, has arisen within the 
last three years. The demand is made upon min- 
isters of the Gospel, not to instruct their people 



36 THE pulpit: 

in the truths of God's word, not well understood, 
not to inculcate some important precept of the 
Gospel demanded by the state of the community, 
not to hold forth some precious promise, not to 
oppose some error or vice becoming prevalent, 
but to define their position respecting some excit- 
ing question of the day — a question, it may be, 
the examination of which falls not within the 
sphere of their studies. But the public have 
become excited ; and the minister must define 
his position. It is not enough that he is charge- 
able with no word or act to which exception can 
be taken. It is not enough that, like Paul, he 
does not shun to declare the whole counsel of 
God. Ilis private opinions on the exciting topic 
must be brought out ; and it must be known 
whether his sympathies are all right. The feel- 
ings of his heart in the matter must be brought 
out. I^ow so far as my reading goes, there is 
scarcely any thing in the history of despotism, 
that can equal this popular tyranny. The Inqui- 
sition of Home has never carried matters so far. 
Yet we boast of our free country ! Where will 
this thing stop ? 

What are the consequences ? Tlie minister 
yields to the clamor, and declares his position. 
]^ow, since, in the nature of the case, there must 



ITS KELATI0X3 TO OUK NATIONAL CEISIS. 37 

be differences of opinion about such questions, the 
preacher's deliverance gives offence to some of 
his people. Then begin debates, and strifes, and 
divisions. When I entered the ministry, the 
Presbyterian church was one noble body. It is 
now divided into five^ and there is reason to fear 
further divisions. Other churches have passed 
through a similar experience. Where is this 
thing to terminate ? 1 do not hesitate to express 
the conviction, that unless churches and ministers 
can be aroused to see the danger, that in less than 
live years their liberties will be gone. Every 
time you yield to the clamor, you but increase its 
boldness. Admit, that ministers may be called 
out in this way, and the day is at hand when 
mobs will dictate the doctrines you shall hear, and 
the prayers that shall be offered in the churches. 
" It was much to the honor of Christ and his doc- 
trines," says the excellent Matthew Henry, in his 
commentary on my text, " that he did not inter- 
pose as a judge or a divider in matters of this 
nature, but left them as he found them, for his 
kingdom is not of this world ; and in this he hath 
given an example to his ministers who deal in 
sacred things, not to meddle in disputes about 
things secular, not to wade far into controversies 
relatino- to them, but leave that to those whose 



88 THE pulpit: 

p'oper business it is. Ministers that -^onld mind 
tlieir business, and please tlieir Master, must not 
entangle tlieinselves witli the affairs of this life ; 
they forfeit the guidance of God's Spirit, and the 
convoy of his ];)rovidence, when thej go out of 
their way." 

II. "We owe it to God and our country, to dis- 
charge, each, his own duties without interference 
with others. Society, as organized, has its sev- 
eral departments ; and different classes of men are 
aj)pointed to attend to its interests. Paul com- 
pares the Church to the human body, every mem- 
ber of which has its proj^er function, and each 
ministers to the advantage of all. The illustration 
applies almost with equal force to society, as it is 
organized. It has its men of business, its civil 
and its military officers, its laAvyers, doctors, and 
ministers ; and its interests are best cared for, 
when each attends to his own duties. Physi- 
cians are often excessively annoyed by ignorant 
nurses and others, whose advice is tendered free 
of charge. If the General commanding at York- 
town should run off to Washington to look after 
the tax bill, or to see that the President does not 
err in his duties, the whole country would de- 
nounce him. We expect him to attend to the 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 39 

work wliicli he understands, and which is entrust- 
ed to him. Let others do the same, not excepting 
editors, who are presumed to know almost every 
thing, but who are as poorly qualified to teach 
ministers how to preach and pray, as to direct 
generals how to plan their campaigns and fight 
their battles. 

Christian ministers have their proper place and 
work ; and surely their work is sufficient to tax 
the wisdom and eners^ies of an anc:el. " Who is 
sufficient for these things ? " Where is the faith- 
ful minister, who does not often tremble in view 
of his failure to meet his responsibilities as ho 
should ? 

III. We owe it to God and our country, to sus- 
tain our Government in the exercise of its consti- 
tutional functions, and in the discharge of its 
legitimate duties. The interests of the Church are 
wrapped up in the destiny of the country, and so 
is all else that is dear to us. Moreover, God 
commands us to do this. " Let every soul be 
subject to the higher powers. For there is no 
power but of God : the powers that be are ordain- 
ed of God. Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the 
power, resisteth the ordinance of God ; and they 
tliat resist shall receive to themselves damna- 



40 THE pulpit: 

tion." It is not enough that we do not violate the 
Constitution and laws ; we must uj)hold them. 
" For this cause pay je tribute also ; for they are 
God's ministers attending continually upon this 
very thing. Render therefore to all their dues ; 
tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom cus- 
tom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor." 

The obligation to sustain the Government is 
even stronger, in a country where the people 
choose their own rulers ; for if they select wise 
and upright officers, they can have no reason for 
failing to support them ; and if they choose un- 
wise or wicked rulers, the fault is their own. 

This general statement, however, requires these 
two qualifications : 1st. There is no obligation to 
approve the acts of Government. Tlie right of 
private judgment is sacred. We may believe and 
say, that they have acted unwisely or wrongly. 
The ancient prophets often reproved kings, and 
exhorted them to repentance, though with purely 
secular matters they did not interfere. We can- 
not concede to civil rulers what we deny to the 
Church of Christ — infallibility. 2d. Even dis- 
obedience becomes a duty, whenever civil rulers 
so far forget themselves, as to command what 
God has forbidden, or to forbid what He has 
commanded. Daniel, though a law-abiding man, 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 41 

rebelled against the decree of the king forbidding 
him to praj ; and when the apostles were for- 
bidden to preach the Gospel, they answered : 
'' Whether it be riglit in the sight of God, to 
hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye." 

But with these qualifications, subjection to 
the powers that be, is part of our religion. "We 
must submit, or go elsewhere. 

I have now something further to say respect- 
ing the charge of sympathizing with secession. 

1. It would be strange, indeed, if my sym- 
pathies lay in that direction, when for twenty- 
five years I have stood in public antagonism to 
the leading doctrine on which the Southern Con- 
federacy is based, viz. : slavery as a desirable in- 
stitution, and one to be perpetuated. In 1835, the 
synod of Kentucky, of which I was then a mem- 
ber, after mature deliberation, devised and recom- 
mended to their churches a plan for the gradual 
emancii^ation of their slaves, and published an 
address strongly setting forth the evils of slavery, 
and the duty to seek its removal from amongst 
ns. The plan was adopted by some of the mem- 
bers of my church ; and I defended it in a paper 
I soon after edited. In 1815, the General Assem- 
bly adopted a paper on the subject of slavery, 
drafted by myself, which terminated the con- 



42 THE pulpit: 

troversj in that body ; and in defending the posi- 
tion of ouv Church on this subject in two lectures 
published at that time, I used the following lan- 
guage : " The question is not whether there are 
evils connected with slavery, or whether slavery 
is itself a great evil — I have not a word to say in 
favor of slavery as a desirable institution. I have 
ever deplored its introduction into our country, 
and would do as much to remove it as any aboli- 
tionist, so far as it can be removed by the opera- 
tion of correct principles. * •«• * I oppose mod- 
ern abolitionism, not because it tends to abolish 
slavery, but because its doctrines are false, and, as 
carried out in practice, tend to perpetuate slavery, 
and to aggravate all its evils." By the way, this 
view is by no means peculiar to me. Eev. Dr. 
Sj^ring, in his book on the Obligations of the 
World to the Bible, expresses the same opinion, 
and says : " The late Dr. Griffin, one of the most 
devoted friends of the colored race in this land, 
said to me, a few months before his death — I do 
not see that the efforts in favor of iiiimediate eman- 
cipation have effected any thing hut to rivet the 
chains of the poor slaved Dr. Chalmers strongly 
expressed the same opinion ; and so did the late 
Dr. Archibald Alexander. 

In 184:7, a convention was called for the revi- 



ITS EELATIOXS TO OUK NATIONAL CRISIS. 4:3 

sion of the Constitution of Kentucky ; and the 
question was earnestly discussed, whether provi- 
sion should be made in' the new Constitution for 
the gradual emancipation of the slaves. Some 
of the leading Presbyterian ministers in the State 
publicly advocated the introduction of such a 
provision. I was then pastor of a church in Cin- 
cinnati, and a report being circulated that I was 
opposed to the emancipation clause, I wrote a 
letter to a friend who desired to correct this false 
report, which I will read : 

Cincinnati, June lYth, 1849. 

Dear Sir : Your favor of the 28tli iilt. came duly 
to hand. I am surprised that any one should quote or 
refer to any thing I have said or written, in justification 
of " anti-emancipation views." Since I first had occasion 
to investigate the subject of slavery, in its various bear- 
ings, my views concerning it have not undergone any 
material change. Whilst editing the "Western Protes- 
tant, and the Protestant and Herald in Bardstown, I had 
occasion repeatedly to express my views of slavery, 
and I have frequently published and expressed the same 
views since. 

I distinctly deny the fundamental principle of abo- 
litionism, that slaveholding is in itself sinful. I hold 
that there have been and are circumstances which justify 
individuals in sustaining the relation of masters, or in 
being slaveholders. I hold, on the other hand, as firmly, 
that slavery is a comphcated evil of immense magni- 



44: THE pulpit: 

tude, the entire removal of Tvhich from our country, 
should be earnestly and perseveringly sought by all law- 
ful and proper means. It is an evil to the slave, to the 
master and his family, and to the State. 

I need not attempt to point out the many and great 
evils which flow from the institution of slavery. The 
work, I rejoice to know, is being done by men better 
qualified than I to do the subject justice. 

Whilst a resident of my native State (and I glory in 
being a Kentuckian), I watched with intense interest 
the progress of public sentiment, which was then per- 
ceptible, in favor of emancipation and colonization, and 
I deeply deplored the retrograde movement caused by 
the abolition excitement. I rejoiced when recently it 
was proposed to hold a convention for the purpose of 
remodelling the Constitution, chiefly because I hoped the 
day had come when Kentucky would take decided 
measures to rid herself of the evil of slavery. There 
doubtless are other points in the Constitution, which re- 
quire change ; but if something be not done, and done 
decidedly, with a view to gradual emancipation, I shall 
feel painfully convinced that the great work, required 
alike by the principles of true philanthropy, and by an 
enlightened regard for the true and permanent interests 
of the State, has been left undone. 

I am convinced that the day must come, and come 
soon, when Kentucky w^ill move decidedly in the work 
of emancipation. The tide of public sentiment, if I mis- 
take not, is strongly setting in that direction. The pro- 
slavery doctrine of some ultra men in the South, can 
never be generally received in Kentucky. The evils 
of slavery are too manifest, and the agitation of the 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 45 

question is not now, as too generally heretofore, by 
fanatical men in the free States. Many of the leading 
minds of Kentucky, and amongst them many slave- 
holders, are fully aroused to the importance and the 
duty of dehvering the State from the bhght of slavery, 
and I am persuaded they will not rest till the work is 
done As it is vain to attempt to satisfy reflecting men 
that slavery is not an evil, so it is equally vain to say 
that, though it is an evil, no efforts should be made to 
remove it. Neither of these propositions can be suc- 
cessfully maintained. 

After what I have said, I need not assure you, that I 
feel a deep interest in the discussion now progressing 
in Kentucky, and that I rejoice in any measure of suc- 
cess secured by the friends of emancipation and coloni- 
zation. I should not have remained silent thus long, 
had I not felt satisfied that the work is in abler hands, 
and that it is better to leave it to be done chiefly by 
the citizens of the State. Were I now in Kentucky, 
where I spent most of my life, I would esteem it no 
ordinary privilege to stand by the side of those who are 
so nobly contending for enlightened philanthropy and 
true policy— who are seeking at once to elevate the 
colored man, and to promote the best interests of the State. 

Having learned, through your kindness, that my 
views are misrepresented, I deem it a duty alike to 
myself and the cause which is dear to my heart, to 
state them distinctly. I should rejoice exceedingly to 
find my numerous friends in Kentucky all engaged in 
the present crisis, on the side of emancipation and coloni- 
zation. Truly yours, 

N. L. Rice. 



46 ■ THE pulpit: 

Such were then my views of the evil of sla- 
very, and of the duty and the interest of my native 
State with reference to it. Whilst I have never 
taken any part in political contests, yet, when the 
question was thrown before the people as to what 
the State was morally bound to do, I felt free to 
exert whatever influence I had. 

In 1855, when I had the honor of being the 
Moderator of the General Assembly, the subject 
of slavery was introduced by the delegates from 
the several Congregational bodies of New Eng- 
land. On my return home (in St. Louis), I ad- 
dressed to them ten letters on the subject, from 
which I will read one or two extracts. Speaking 
of the reaction in the slaveholding States against 
emancipation, I said : 

Tliis retrograde step has been taken, notwithstand- 
ing the earnest efforts of Presbyterians and others to 
secure a different result. In Missouri, the reaction is 
equally complete, and, of course, in the more southern 
States. This is not all, nor the worst. A state of feel- 
ing between the North and the South has been pro- 
duced, which threatens the most disastrous results to our 
civil Union ; and a dissolution of the Union would not 
only prove a curse to our country, but to the cause of 
freedom and of Christianity throughout the world. 

In closing these letters, I said : 

The time has come, in my humble judgment, when 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 47 

it is both the interest and the duty of every true Chris- 
tian and philanthropist to throw the full weight of his 
influence against the fanaticism of alolitionism, and the 
fanaticism of ^:>ro-5Zai;er?/i's??2. The former is like a quack 
doctor, who, in his unskilful treatment of a chronic dis- 
ease, produces other diseases, and threatens to kill the 
patient ; and the latter, like a deranged man, would re- 
sist the most skilful physician, and bless God for his 
malady. They are two extreme errors, each enlisting 
in its defence the worst passions of human nature, and 
threatening ruin to Church and State. 

In the summer of 1855, the President of the 
University of Missouri, Eev. Mr. Shannon, mani- 
fested great zeal in proving that the Bible and 
nature sanction slavery, and insisted with great 
earnestness that this doctrine only could save our 
civil Union. In reviewing one of his publications, 
in the St. Louis Presbyterian^ of whicb I was 
then the editor, I said, amongst other things : 

" 1st. That if what he says is true, there is no 
hope for the Union. Intelligent men in the free 
States can be convinced that they ought not to 
interfere with slavery as it exists amongst us ; 
but you might as well try to convince them that 
the sun rises in the West, as that the Bible and 
nature approve of it as a desirable institution. In- 
deed, it would require more powerful logic than 
the President can command to satisfy multitudes 



48 THE pulpit: 

in the slaveholding States of the truth of his 
views. 

^' 2. Tlie truth is, it is just the extremes to 
which men of Mr. Shannon's temperament run, 
that endanger the Union. They do more to pro- 
mote Abolitionism than its advocates can do. 
Their doctrines are palpably indefensible, and 
their bitter denunciations extremely irritating. 
* * * This is not the day for placing such 
men in the lead. We need calm, reflecting, ju- 
dicious men ; and such men rarely take extreme 
positions. "We have ever firmly opposed aboli- 
tionism ; but there is a fanatical pro-slavery ism 
which is quite as bad. "^ ^ -^ Certainly, pru- 
dent parents will object to placing their sons in 
an institution whose President keeps up a con- 
stant angry excitement about him, and is found 
vociferating in excited political meetings. We 
know no other President who has thought it 
proper to pursue such a course. Young men 
brought under such an influence must be seri- 
ously injured. We deeply regret his course, as 
adapted to injure the young men intrusted to his 
care, to cripple the imj^ortant institution over 
which he presides, and to increase the excited 
feelings on the subject of slavery, which all pru- 
dent men desire to allay. And since (as he says) 



ITS DELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL. CEISIS. 49 

Missouri is too poor to buy him off from liis indis- 
cretions, it might be well for him to know that 
she is rich enough to dispense with his services." 
In the winter of 1860, certain political editors 
thought it to their interest to assail and misrepre- 
sent me and also the Presbyterian Church on the 
subject of slavery. I regarded it as my duty to 
correct these slanders, and therefore delivered in 
my church in Chicago three discourses, which 
were published and widely circulated. In the 
first of these discourses, I stated my position, in 
the following eight particulars : 

1. I hold to the unity of the human race — that " God 
hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell 
on all the face of the earth." 

2. -Consequently I hold that the command — " Thou 
shalt love thy neiglibor as thyself" — applies, in its 
full force, to every human being. The golden rule — 
" "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do 
ye even the same unto them" — apphes as fully to the 
Africans as to any other people. The curse pronounced 
upon Ham does not justify us in enslaving his de- 
scendants. I would not buy or hold a man as a slave, 
unless the circumstances were such that I would justify 
him in buying and holding me, if our relative positions 
were changed. I would no sooner maltreat a slave or 
wound his feelings, than I w^ould do the same thing to 
his master. 

3. I do not hold, therefore, that slavery is a Divine 

3 



50 THE pulpit: 

institution, as is marriage, or the parental relation, or as 
is civil government ; nor do I hold that the Bible sa7ic- 
tions slavery. To make the broad statement — that it 
sanctions slavery — would be to say, that it authorizes 
the strong to enslave the weak, whenever they are so 
disposed ; and it might be construed to justify the abom- 
inable slave trade. 

4. I distinctly deny the right of any man to traffic 
in human beings for gain, whether that traffic be the 
foreign or domestic slave trade. Men who engage in 
this inhuman business are monsters. 

5. I deny the right of any man to separate husbands 
and wives, parents and children, for his convenience, or 
for gain. The marriage of slaves, whether recognized 
by the civil law or not, is as valid in God's law as that 
of their masters ; and what " God hath joined together, 
let not man put asunder." 

6. I deny the right of any man to withhold from his 
slaves a fair compensation for their labor. Every mas- 
ter, remembering that his Master is in heaven, with 
whom there is no " respect of persons," is bound to give 
them that which is "just and equal," taking into ac- 
count, of course, his obligation to provide for them for 
life. "What the services of any slave are worth, de- 
pends, as in the case of other men, on circumstances. 

7. I hold it to be the duty of masters not only to 
give their slaves all needed food, clothing, and shelter, 
and to treat them kindly, but to afford them the oppor- 
tunity to receive religious instruction, and to read the 
word of God. Christ said : " Search the Scriptures ; " 
and no legislature has the right to forbid any man to 
do it. 



ITS KELATIONS TO OUE NATIONAL CRISIS. 51 

8. I hold it to be the duty of those concerned with 
slavery to elevate their slaves and prepare them for free- 
dom, whenever Divine Providence shall open the way 
for them to enjoy it. 

The Rev. Dr. Hodge, of Princeton, commenting on 
Col. 4 : 1 and Eph. 6 : 9, says : " Paul requires for slaves 
not only what is strictly just, but equality. This is not only 
its signification, but its meaning. Slaves are to be treated 
by their masters on the principles of equality. Not that 
they are to be equal with their masters in authority, or 
station, or circumstances ; but they are to be treated as 
having, as men, as husbands, and as parents, equal rights 
with their masters. It is just as great a sin to deprive 
a slave of the just recompense for his labor, or to keep 
him in ignorance, or to take from him his wife or child, 
as it is to act thus towards a free man.* This is the 
equality which the law of God demands, and on this 
principle tlie final judgment is to be administered. 
Christ will punish the master for defrauding the slave, 
as severely as he will punish the slave for robbing his 
master. The same penalty will be inflicted for the viola- 
tion of the conjugal or parental rights of the one as of 
the other. For the Apostle adds, there is no respect 
of persons witli him. •^- * * Paul carries this so far as 
to apply the principle not only to the acts, but to the 
temper of masters. They are not only to act towards 

* The late beloved and lamented pastor of this church, Dr. Jas. 
W. Alexander, held, on the subject of slavery, the same views I 
have ever advocated. In a letter to Dr. Hall, dated New York, 
June 10th, 1856, referrinj^ to the threatening aspect of public 
affairs, and quoting this language of Dr. Hodge, he says, " How 
nobly this clear enunciation of a scriptural principle towers above 
all the extravagancies of both sides." 



52 THE pulpit: 

their slaves on the principles of justice and equity, but 
are to avoid threatening. This includes all manifesta- 
tions of contempt and ill-temper or undue severity. 
* * * It is thus that the Holy Spirit deals with sla- 
very." Dr. Hodge well remarks, that the result of 
compliance with the Divine precepts, "if it could be- 
come general, would be, that first the evils of slavery, 
and then slavery itself, would pass away as naturally 
and as peacefully as children cease to be minors." 

Holding these views, I also hold that slavery, as it 
exists in our country, originated in violence and wicked- 
ness. I regard it as always an evil to both parties ; and 
I do firmly beheve, that the effects of the prevalence of 
the Gospel will be gradually to abate its evils, and 
ultimately to remove it from the country. I need 
scarcely say, that I cannot defend or justify much of the 
legislation of the slaveholding States on this subject ; 
and that I would hold no Christian fellowship with any 
man or Church, who would refuse to be governed in 
the treatment of their slaves by the law of God, instead 
of the existing civil code. 

Thus you have my record during a period of 
more than a quarter of a centnrj ; a record made 
partly whilst I labored in slaveholding States, 
partly wliilst laboring in the free States. In both 
I have publicly advocated gradual emancipation 
and colonization, in order to remove what I have 
ever affirmed to be an evil of terrible magnitude. 
In both I have uniformly and with equal earnest- 
ness opposed abolitionism and pro-slaveryism. I 



ITS liELxVnONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 53 

have piiblislied on tliis general subject, in its 
different phases, what would fill two or three 
volumes ; and I would not to-day, if I could, 
change a single sentiment I have published, but 
would rejoice to spread every line before the pub- 
lic now. For nearly thirty years I have publicly 
defended the position of our Church, as defined 
by the General Assembly of 1818 ; and once and 
again the General Assembly has endorsed the pa- 
per on this subject, which was drafted by myself, 
and adopted almost unanimously by the Assem- 
bly of 1845. 

IN'ow, I leave all honest and candid men to 
judge, how far one holding such views could 
sympathize with secession. 

Meanwhile, no one acquainted with human 
nature will be surprised that, standing as I have 
ever stood, in opposition to the two extreme opin- 
ions on the subject of slavery, I have been charged 
by partisans on either side with being decidedly 
2}ro-slavery and diCQ,i^Qdi\Y aholitionist in my views. 
Less than three years ago, both these charges were 
made against me at the same time by prominent 
ministers, (IN". School,) in the Xortli and in the 
South. The I^ew Yorh Evangelist^ which has 
chosen recently to say some oifensive things 
al)Out my views, did nie the honor to represent 



64 THE pulpit: 

me as defending slavery " with the gallant bear- 
ing of an old clievalier, careless of all odds ; " 
and, at the same time, Eev. Messrs. ISTewton and 
McClean, of Mississippi, held me np to the public 
in a political paper, as a decided Abolitionist. A 
friend, writing to me, said : " They insinuate that 
you and Dr. R. J. Breckinridge are in the 
abolition list ; that you teach that slavery is an 
evil of immense magnitude ; that you were the 
chairman of the committee that drew up the re- 
port on slavery in 1815, and said, that there is 
not one expression in the paper adopted in '15 
that wears a pro-slavery appearance, or that will 
bear any such interpretation, &c. ; and refer to 
your editorials in the St. Louis Presbyterian 
of 1856-57.'' IS'ow, what confidence can be 
placed in the statements of men so blinded by 
prejudice that, looking at the same object, one 
pronounces it white as snow, the other, black as 
night ? 

2. ISTow, with regard to secession itself, it so 
happens that my position was taken, and my 
views published more than fifteen months ago, be- 
fore the war began. I have never been accustomed 
to wait till the last moment, to take my position 
on any questions on which duty may require me 
to speak ; and my worst enemies, I believe, have 



ITS KELATI0X3 TO OVR NATIONAL CRISIS. 55 

laeTer charged me with occiipymg an ambiguous 
position on any snch subject. 

The rupture which has taken ph^ce, and the 
terrible war now desolating our noble country, 
dJd not take me by surprise. For years past, 
standing in a position to survey the whole ground? 
and to observe the workings of moral principles 
and of passions, I saw the increasing danger, 
though sometimes more hopeful, sometimes in 
despair. Over and over, for twenty years past, I 
have given warning, as far as I could make my 
voice heard and my pen known, that this terrible 
storm was approaching ; and as often have I ex- 
horted conservative men on both sides of the line 
to awake to the danger and exert themselves to 
avert it. Some ridiculed, and others disbelieved. 
And one of the most amazing facts in history is 
the fact, that this catastrophe took intelligent men 
and Christian ministers at the Xorth, as well as 
many in the South, by surprise. In my lectures 
on slavery, in 184:5, I said : " This subject is now 
exciting very general interest among all classes 
of people in our country, is occasioning division 
in the Church of Christ, cmd even threcitening the 
destruction of our civil Union. Already, it has 
divided the Methodist and Baptist churches ; and 
it is now agitating to tlie very centre the N. 



66 THE pulpit: 

School Presbyterian Chiircli ; whilst fanatical 
Abolitionists are denonncing onr civil Union as 
most iniquitons, and not to be tolerated. At such 
a time, it behooves every man to inform himself 
fully on the whole subject, that his influence may 
be thrown where it should be. At such a time 
it becomes the duty of those who deprecate sucb 
divisions and agitations to contribute as they can 
to the dissemination of correct principles. * ^ -^ 
Tlie Abolitionists will never abolish slavery, nor 
improve the condition of the slaves ; but if their 
principles could prevail to any great extent, they 
would not only abolish the peace, harmony, and 
union of the churches of Christ, but the Christian 
ministry, the Sabbath, (which Gerrit Smith anct 
others have devoted to political harangues,) and 
our civil Union. It tvould involve our happy 
country in a most dreadful civil tvar. -^ ^ - 
Finally, if slavery is ever to cease in America, it 
must be abolished by the j)eople of the slavehold- 
ing States, or with their approbation ; and the 
necessary change in public sentiment must be 
wrought, as it has been elsewhere, by the influ- 
ence of the Gospel of Christ, not by Abolitionist 
societies ; not by denouncing and excommunicat- 
ing slaveholders, simply because they are such ; 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUIt NATIONAL CRISIS. 57 

not hy the mad and wicked attemjpt to destroy our 
civil TJnioii^'' 

In June, 1856, in an article in the St. Louis 
Presbyterian., I remarked as follows : " The day 
has come, when wise and good men are compelled 
to doubt the permanency of our civil Union, and 
should it he dissolved^ hoth North and South will 
he ruined^ not simply because of the dissolution, 
but because it will be followed by fearful civil 
commotions, destroying our prosperity, and ex- 
posing us to the aggression of foreign enemies, 
and because the state of morals which will pro- 
duce dissolution, Vv^ill continue in other ways to 
do the work of destruction. A more glorious 
heritage God never gave to any nation than he 
has given to ours ; and greater folly was never 
known than that which now threatens to turn the 
blessing into a fearful curse." 

I wish I could, without wearying you, read the 
entire article. I would gladly lay before you the 
many articles I have published on this fearful 
subject ; for, wliilst I claim no extraordinary wis- 
dom, you would see that I foresaw and j)ointed 
out the very course things have taken. 

But when, nearly eighteen months ago, it be- 
came clear to all, that our noble Union must, for 
tlic time, 1)6 dissolved, editing a paper in Chicago 



58 



THE pulpit: 



wliicli had some circulation in the South, I at 
once gave mj views of the great wrong about to 
be perpetrated. In a correspondence with one of 
the Presbyterian ministers of Georgia, published 
in the Preshjterian Expositor, my position was 
distinctly defined. 

I did not say that the South had no grievances, 
and that the North is infallible. Neither of these 
things, in my opinion, is true. There can be no 
greater folly than to claim sectional infallibility^ 
in a quarrel which has been waxing more and 
more violent for a quarter of a century. 

Nor did I undertake to express an oj)inion 
respecting the constitutional questions so promi- 
nent in the controversy ; whether the Constitution, 
rightly interpreted, protects slavery in the Terri- 
tories or not ; or whether it allows particular 
States to withdraw from the civil compact. I 
make no pretensions to skill in expounding civil 
constitutions. The studies of my life have lain in 
other directions. Moreover, as I have heretofore 
said, I deny the right of any minister of Christ, 
whatever his knowledge of law, to give forth, as 
a minister, any opinions on such subjects. As in- 
dividuals and as citizens, ministers have the right 
to form and hold their own opinions on all sub- 
jects, but when they speak or write as ministers 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUPw NATIONAL CRISIS. 59 

of Christ, they must deliver to men his message^ 
not their political notions. What right have they 
to say, in the name of Christy what is the mean- 
ing of the Constitution on such subjects? Has 
he given them any such message ? Moreover, it 
is impossible for ministers of Christ to involve 
themselves in such controversies, without crip- 
pling their ministerial influence, and disturbing 
the peace of the Church. These things I dare not 
do. I am charged with interests that rise infin- 
itely higher than those of the State ; and I know 
I never serve my country so well, as when I op- 
pose with the power of the Gospel the corruption 
that is ruining it. And why should I undertake 
to enlighten the people on such subjects, wdien 
there are all around me laymen, whose business 
it is to study such questions, who are incompar- 
ably l)ctter rpialified to discuss them ? If minis- 
ters of the Gospel are to take sides in such dis- 
cussions, then let them first go through a course 
of legal reading and study. Have they time? 
If not, let them preach what they understand. 

But apart altogether from the constitutional 
cpiestions involved, there are moral grounds on 
which I pronoimced the disruption of our civil 
union a s-reat wronsr. Tliev are the following : 

1. The South had had its fair share in pro 



60 THE pulpit: 

duciiig the alienation which existed, and had, in 
ways which I 23ointed out, driven from them 
multitudes who desircd to stand by them. They, 
therefore, could not of right take advantage of 
their own wrong to bring upon the country so 
fearful a catastrophe. 

2. There had been no fair issue made before 
the peoj)le to test the question, whether the 
majority of the ]^orthern people were disposed 
to tramj)le upon their rights. Instead of sending 
forth one candidate representing what they want- 
ed, they had sent forth three — thus insuring their 
own defeat, and leaving the question undecided, 
how far the people were disposed to do them 
justice. And I expressed strongly the opinion, 
that the majority of the Korthern jDcople were 
not disposed to interfere v;ith any of their consti- 
tutional rights. Now, whatever right of revolu- 
tion may exist, in case of great oppression ; or 
whatever right may exist in the States to secede 
in case of a clearly expressed purpose of a major- 
ity of the States to trample under foot important 
provisions of the Constitution ; it is a clear moral 
principle, that no such right can exist, until a fair 
issue has been made, and it has become clear, that 
the minority are to be denied rights essential to 
their vrell-being. 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 61 

On sncli grounds as these, I declared my un- 
doiibting conviction, that the movement in the 
South was a great and terrible wrong. The 
publication of these views, in connection with my 
views of slavery, called forth decided expressions 
of condemnation in all the Southern papers that 
I read. If my sympathies were with secession, 
they utterly failed to discover it, and thought 
they discovered the opposite. They thought my 
language too severe also in my review of Dr. 
Palmer's celebrated sermon. I thank God, that 
my opinions on this subject were given to the 
public, before the war commenced ; and when it 
is remembered that I was, at that time, the pastor 
of a church, the large majority of whose male 
members belong to the political party now in 
power ; and that with entire unanimity and great 
earnestness they sought to retain me as their pas- 
tor, after the publication of my o2:)inions ; you can 
judge how far I manifested symj)athy with 
secession. 

Xow, as to the war, I have a few things to say. 
I have said, we owe it to God and our country, 
each, to discharge his duty in his own sphere. 
We have a government upon whom is devolved 
the duty and the responsibility of determining 
whether, in case of disagreement between different 



62 THE pulpit: 

sections of the country, sncli measures can be 
adopted and siicli compromises made, consistently 
with the honor and the interests of the country, 
as may avert the horrors of civil war. Upon 
them is devolved the solemn and resjjonsible duty 
of deciding when war has become inevitable — 
when duty and interests require the country to en- 
gage in the fearful work. In seeking and accept- 
ing the offices they fill, they expressed their readi- 
ness to assume the responsibility ; and, so far as I 
know, they have shown no disposition to shrink 
from it. They did not ask the opinion of ministers 
of the Gospel. Kow, so long as peace was possible, 
I labored with others, publicly and privately, to 
make peace. When those upon whom the respon- 
sibility rests, declared war necessary and inevit- 
able, I regarded it as my duty to acquiesce, and 
to teach others to acquiesce, and to sustain the 
Government. 

But my responsibilities are sufficiently great, 
without assuming those which properly rest upon 
others. I think, I could explain those principles 
of God's word, whicli ought to control civil gov- 
ernments in determining whether it is right to go 
to war ; but it belongs to citizens^ and especially 
to statesmen^ to make the application of those 
principles to the facts in the case. For my right 



ITS EELATI0X3 TO OUR NATIONAL CEISIS. 63 

hand, I wonlcl not volunteer to decide sncli a 
cpestion, when God has not reqmred it. When it 
has been decided bj the constitutional authori- 
ties, my duty as a minister is to teach my people, 
if they require to be taught, to be subject to the 
powers that be, to sustain the government under 
which they live. If it were the duty of ministers 
to pronounce upon the wisdom or righteousness 
of every war in which their country may be in- 
volved, then they would be constantly liable to 
be obliged to take j^ublic ground against their 
government ; for unwise and unrighteous wars 
are common in our world. But no government 
could exist were individuals and ministers should 
be allowed to decide upon the policy to be pur- 
sued, or to make opposition to a war decided 
upon, as a political necessity. 

Yet I do greatly mourn over the necessity of 
such a war. 1 mourn over the desolation of our 
noble country. I mourn over the untimely death 
of multitudes of the young men of the country. 
I mourn over the stricken families, the widows 
and orphans, in every part of the land. I mourn 
over the torn, divided, distracted Church, bought 
with a Saviour's blood, and which I love above 
my chief joy. I mourn over the disgrace inflicted 
upon religion, the abounding of wickedness, the 



64 THE pulpit: 

interruption of the Chiircli in the noble "vrork of 
evangelizing the world. But, with a sad and 
bleeding heart, I must sustain my government, 
and pray that God, in infinite mercy, will turn 
away from the fierceness of His just displeasure, 
and so guide our rulers, and so dispose the hearts 
of men in every part of the land, and so order 
events, that we may soon see our country again 
united in peace under its noble Constitution. 

IV. We owe it to God and our country to teU 
our rulers and the people, that war, especially civil 
war, is a Divine judgment upon thie nation for its 
sins ; and that only repentance and reformation 
can give the Scriptural and rational hope of such 
a peace as we desire ; that our dependence must 
be on God, not on the skill of our ofiicers, the 
training of our soldiers, and the abundance of our 
resources. It is cruel unfaithfulness for Christian 
ministers to declaim with politicians, and predict 
victory and triumph, without insisting upon the 
necessity of repentance and reformation. 

In 1690, that great and good man. Archbishop 
Tillotson, preached a Fast-sermon on wai\ and his 
text was Ecclesiastes ix. 11 : "I returned and 
saw under the sun, that the race is not to the 
swift, nor tlie battle to the strong." The whole 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUR NATIONAL CRISIS. 65 

discourse, ricli with scripture truth, delivered with 
the spirit becoming an ambassador of Christ, is 
designed to show^ the danger in war of trusting 
in any thing but the Lord of Hosts. Soon after, 
he j)reached another sermon before the Lord 
Mayor of London from the text, " Be thou in- 
structed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from 
thee, lest I make thee desolate, a land not inhab- 
ited ; " Jer. vi. 8. The title of the sermon is 
" The Ruin of a Sinful Peopled It is, as the 
text and title import, a solemn appeal and warn- 
ing on the absolute necessity of repentance and 
reformation, in order to success in war. Li 1691 
he preached another sermon— a Fast-sermon, be- 
fore the queen, of a similar character. Dr. Dodd- 
ridge, author of the Paraphrase of the New Testa- 
ment, preached, on a day of public humiliation, in 
time of war, on Deut. xxiii. 9, " When thou goest 
forth against thine enemies, then keep thee from 
every wicked thing." This excellent discourse is 
of the same cliaracter, and breathes the same 
spirit as those already mentioned. He states and 
illustrates the following doctrine: "I think I 
may very safely venture to affirm, that w^e can 
never form any just expectation of continued suc- 
cess in our military affairs, unless there be a zeal- 
ous concern about a reformation in our morals. 



66 THE pulpit: 

and unless national piety and virtue be our ear- 
nest, governing care." On a similar occasion, 
Dr. Witherspoon preached a sermon in Scotland, 
a hundred years ago, of precisely the same char- 
acter. The title sufficiently indicates its charac- 
ter, viz. : " Prayer for National Prosperity^ and 
for the Revival of Religion^ inseparably con- 
nectedP 

Such was the character of the discourses 
which great and good men of other days felt it 
their duty to preach, in times of war, to both 
rulers and people. I would not look too darkly 
at our affairs, but the most of the discourses I 
have read on the present war, stand in alarming 
contrast with those. I cannot help dreading the 
consequences. We have seen our noble army 
hurled headlong into battle, with a thousand 
prophecies of certain victory ; and we have seen 
them flying in disorder and terror from the field, 
leaving the slain scattered over the ground by 
hundreds. Such events might never have oc- 
curred, if our rulers and the people had been 
faithfully warned, instead of hieing excited by 
glowing predictions. Some of you may not have 
forgotten, that my morning sermon, on the second 
Sabbath of my labors amongst you, vdien the city 
was in a blaze of excitement, was on the text, 

LofC. 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUK ISTATIONAL CRISIS. 67 

" The Lord reignetli ; let the people tremble." 
In that discourse I tried to set forth the great 
Scripture truths so necessary to be known and 
felt, yet so likely to be forgotten at such a time. 

Y. We owe it to God and our country, to 
maintain during the war such a temper and spirit 
as is not offensive to Him, and as may afford 
ground of hope, that when peace returns, it may 
be permanent. The tendency of war is to excite 
the worst feelings of tlie human heart, and to pro- 
duce permanent alienations. This is preeminently 
true of cwil war. The faithful minister must 
warn his people on this point ; for it is offensive 
to God to go to war with vindictive feelings. " Too 
keen a resentment," said Doddridge, in the dis- 
course already mentioned, " for the injuries re- 
ceived from our enemies, growing into a malig- 
nant hatred against them, is another evil, which we 
should be particularly solicitous to avoid." Eng- 
land was then engaged in a war with Spain, and 
had had great provocations. Still, in the true 
spirit of a minister of peace, Doddridge gave 
this warning, and added : " "War, in such circum- 
stances as ours, is the rigorous and severe work 
of justice, and must be done ; but, methinks, a 
humane heart consents to it with some sensible 



68 THE pulpit: 

regret, and will sometimes bleed to think, that 
those benevolent and brotherly cares, that onght 
to fill the heart of one man for anotlier, and of 
one nation for another, should be turned into 
thoughts and schemes of destruction, and give 
place to contrivances how men may be slaugh- 
tered, and cities laid waste, and the beauties of 
nature and art ravaged and defaced." 

How much more necessary is it to guard our 
tempers and spirits, when civil war rages, and 
especially w^hen the mournful sight is witnessed 
of Christian men, children of the same Father, 
heirs of the same heavenly inheritance, who in 
days past have communed at the same sacred 
table, met in hostile array to aim at each others' 
bosoms the deadly blow. In the South are tens 
of thousands of men and women whose piety we 
cannot question, many whom we have known 
and loved, as the faithful children of God. I 
think they have been most sadly misled, or carried 
by the resistless tide of passion raging around 
them ; but their true piety I cannot doubt. And 
the Holy Spirit has formed a tie between us and 
them, which the conflicts brought on the country 
by bad or deceived men, ought not to sunder — 
ties that are to endure, when all earthly ties are 
forever sundered. If we are commanded to love 



ITS RELATIONS TO OUE NATIONAL CEISIS. 69 

our worst enemies, miicli more are we boimd still 
to love those cliildren of om* Heavenly Father, 
who are in no sense our personal enemies ; and 
to guard against vindictive feelings towards even 
those who make no professions of pietj. 

I, therefore, have no sympathy with much 
that I hear and read in addresses and sermons, 
that seems adapted only to intensify amongst the 
people of the IS'orth feelings naturally too strong ; 
and, if read in the South, would only increase 
that hatred which will yet prove the greatest ob- 
stacle to a reconstruction of the Union. "We are 
not appointed of God to punish the sins of our 
fellow-men. He says: " Yengeance is mine." 
Let us not dare to step into his place, and assume 
his prerogatives. When war becomes necessary, 
it is a dreadful necessity, over which every Chris- 
tian heart must mourn. And the blessing of God 
cannot rest upon those who increase its horrors 
by awakening and stirring up vindictive feelings. 
They who march to battle, and those who desire 
their success, should alike put away from them 
this wicked feel ins:. 

At the close of this war, if it prove successful 
on our part, we are to try an experiment, which, 
so far as my reading extends, has never been tried 
in this world, viz. : to maintccin a free government 



70 THE PULPIT : 

over an immense territory^ whose interests, as to 
the different sections, differ widely, with the moral 
forces all antagonistic along a line running 
through the middle of it. So far as I know, the 
experiment has never been made. Whether we 
shall make it successfully, must depend, to a great 
extent, upon the question, whether ministers of 
the Gospel shall be willing, and shall be allowed, 
to confine themselves to their appropriate work. 
I think it cannot be doubted, that the chief perils 
of this nation will be encountered at the end of^ 
the war. Then the common danger, which now 
produces general union, will disaj^pear ; and new 
and most difficult questions must be settled, which 
will test to the utmost our moral principles and 
the wisdom of our statesmen. The danger that is 
now upon us took ministers, statesmen, and peo- 
ple by surprise. The next and greater peril will, 
in all likelihood, overtake them in the same way. 
O ! that men would consider in time, to avert 
other and greater catastrophes. 

I will close what I have to say with the closing 
sentiment of one of my discourses, delivered in 
Chicago, on slavery. 

You know, my friends, that I might gain popularity 
by falling in Avith the current tliat has set in so strongly 
in this latitude, and raising the Abolitionist (war) shout. 



ITS KELATIOXS TO OCK i^ATIONAL CKISIS. 71 

But I see before me an august tribunal, which I am 
hourly approaching ; and I see around me the raging of 
fierce passions, threatening the ruin of Church and State. 
God helping me, I never will yield to popular clamor 
at the expense of His truth, and of the interests of His 
church and of my country. May He subdue passion and 
guide us into His own pure truth. 



JAN 29 1901 



